SGB Chapter 352

## Chapter 352: Napoleonic France and the Russian Court

London, in a restaurant near Oxford Street, decorated primarily in a York yellow hue.

Arthur sat at the table, like a pirate opening a treasure chest, handing the restaurant waiter several bottles of wine from his satchel.

“Please open all these bottles for me.”

The waiter glanced at the labels on the bottles and politely inquired, “Sir, are you sure? If it’s just the two of you, opening so much wine would be a bit wasteful.”

Arthur simply smiled, “Don’t worry, someone will be responsible for cleaning up any leftovers.”

The Red Devil beside him leaned forward, scrutinizing the brand name on the bottles and muttering, “Johnnie Walker and Chivas? There are no better Scotch whiskeys than these two in Scotland. Adding some black tea and green tea would enhance the taste, but I personally prefer adding lemon juice and ginger ale. It would be even better with some ice. However, I don’t know if you humans are accustomed to this taste.”

Having finished his remarks, Agareus turned his gaze to the other bottles, “Whoa! Arthur, you really went all out! 1818 Hennessy, and that label, is this the royal exclusive that George IV ordered from the Hennessy winery? Although Hennessy is not as good as Château d’Yquem, this exclusive wine should be quite expensive, right?”

Seeing the Red Devil practically drooling, Arthur seized the opportunity while the waiter was away and said to him, “Agareus, don’t worry, Mr. Talleyrand and I can’t possibly finish this much. All the rest is yours.”

Just as he finished speaking, he saw an old, silver-haired cripple with a cane approaching them.

Talleyrand surveyed the bottles of wine in the waiter’s hands, smiling as he sat opposite Arthur, “Drinking these wines in such an ordinary little restaurant seems a bit wasteful, wouldn’t you say?”

Arthur returned the smile, “If a few bottles of wine are enough to persuade you to grace this roadside eatery, I believe they have served their purpose.”

Talleyrand handed his cane to his attendant, picked up the tablecloth, and casually wiped his hands, “It seems your trip to Liverpool to investigate the case also brought you a small fortune!”

“You can’t say that.” Arthur pointed at his stitched eye corner and joked, “You see, isn’t this instant retribution? Speaking of which, I’d actually like to ask you for advice. You go around making enemies, that’s fine, but how do you manage to live to this age?”

Talleyrand burst into laughter at Arthur’s teasing, “It’s simple, I only take what’s within my reach. Whether it’s Napoleon or the Bourbons, they all hate me but can’t do without me. That’s why I’m still alive, while they’ve all gone to their graves.”

Arthur looked at the waiter pouring the wine and asked, “Well…you seem to make a good point, but how do you know what’s within your reach?”

Talleyrand put down the tablecloth and said, “Young man, you’ve asked a very good question. Knowing one’s limits requires wisdom, a wisdom that most people lack.”

At this point, Talleyrand suddenly looked around, “That Bonaparte boy didn’t come with you today, did he?”

Arthur shook his head, “No, I left him in Liverpool.”

“A wise choice.”

Talleyrand said, “Since that’s the case, let me use Napoleon as an example. Many people think my opposition to Napoleon began with the conspiracy to enthrone Murat in 1808. But in reality, both I and Fouché had already begun to disagree with him as early as 1803.

At the time, he was just basking in his victory over Britain on the Swiss issue, and he declared in front of all the Swiss people: ‘I tell you, I would rather sacrifice 100,000 men than allow Britain to interfere in your internal affairs. If the British cabinet says a single word for you, then you are finished, and I will merge you with France. If the British court even hints that they fear I will become your federal president, then I will be your federal president.'”

Arthur, upon hearing this, simply smiled, “He was still the First Consul of France then, right? He hadn’t become emperor yet, so I can understand why he said this. He wanted to show the French people that he was a powerful leader. Only then would he have a chance to go further.”

Talleyrand sipped his wine, “Indeed, but it wasn’t just the French people cheering for Napoleon who felt the firmness, but also other European countries, especially the British, who were specifically targeted by him. After resolving the Swiss issue, the news that followed was the disastrous defeat of the French army in Santo Domingo in the West Indies. To make matters worse, the Americans were also determined to resist France’s seizure of Louisiana, and public sentiment was high.

Napoleon was worried that if he insisted on taking Louisiana, it would push the neutral Americans into the arms of Britain. So, he simply sold Louisiana to the Americans for four cents an acre. But retreating from America so easily was too embarrassing for him. So, he had to make up for the setbacks in America elsewhere.

Napoleon’s brilliance lay in the fact that whenever he retreated in one area, he would always launch a dazzling and distracting war in another area as cover. Only then could he firmly capture the imagination of the French people and control the volatile Paris.

This time, he directed his distraction towards the Nile River. He ordered Sebastiani, who had just returned from Egypt, to issue an exaggerated report on the Mediterranean coast, which claimed: ‘Whether it’s the Muslims in Alexandria, the Christians in Damascus, or the Greeks on Rhodes, they all love France. They loudly denounce how General Stewart betrayed his trust and how much they desire that the just French government conquer the eastern Mediterranean and bring the winds of freedom from the revolution to the coastal countries.'”

Arthur couldn’t help but rub his forehead upon hearing this, “So, the Parisians believed it?”

“Not only Paris, but London as well.”

Talleyrand’s expression was complex as he savored the aftertaste of the wine, “Downing Street and Westminster Palace reacted even more violently. Whether it was your king or your cabinet and parliament, they all saw this declaration as a serious provocation by France against Britain.

At the time, Britain’s Addington cabinet was under heavy attack from Grenville, Wyndham, and Fox, who staunchly opposed expansion of the army, loudly proclaiming that ‘establishing a large standing army is a dangerous power tool in the hands of the king.’

But as soon as Sebastiani’s report was released in Paris, the anti-expansionist voices in Britain instantly disappeared, and the expansion bill was quickly passed in parliament. The size of the expansion also increased from the initially discussed 50,000 men to 100,000.

Your ambassador to France, Lord Whitworth, also immediately approached me and lodged a strong protest. I tried my best to explain to him that Sebastiani’s visit to Egypt was purely commercial. But what I never expected was that Napoleon, instead of aligning with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, claimed that it was because Britain violated the Treaty of Amiens that France was forced to do so.

He said in front of Lord Whitworth, ‘The British garrison stationed in Alexandria, Egypt, not only cannot protect Egypt, but it also gives France the pretext to invade Egypt. However, although I would like to have this colony, I will not do so. Because I think it’s not worth the risk of war. In my opinion, the Ottoman Empire will sooner or later collapse, and Egypt will inevitably belong to France.'”

Arthur, upon hearing this, couldn’t help but raise an eyebrow, “Today, I’ve really heard some secrets. Now I finally understand how Nelson’s famous Battle of the Nile came about. In this regard, Napoleon was indeed overconfident. As you said, perhaps this was beyond his reach.”

“But he didn’t realize it.”

Talleyrand said, “Britain’s protest against Sebastiani’s report enraged him. He told your ambassador that the only way for Britain to achieve peace was:

First, Britain must acknowledge France’s right to arbitrate the affairs of all its neighbors, whether it’s Switzerland or Piedmont.

Second, Britain must not demand compensation for its losses in the Mediterranean, and the Maltese issue is non-negotiable.

Third, Britain must tolerate others formally declaring to it: Britain cannot fight France alone.”

Arthur laughed and asked, “He wouldn’t really think Britain would agree to these demands, would he?”

Talleyrand shrugged, “Young man, you haven’t interacted with him, so naturally you don’t know what kind of person he is. The truth is, his enormous success had gone to his head. From the moment he became First Consul until the day he went to his grave, he believed he was omnipotent.

He thought Britain would surely back down here, just as Britain had backed down on the Swiss issue a few months earlier. So, when the news of Britain’s expansion reached the other side of the Channel, Napoleon’s first reaction was to summon the British ambassador, Lord Whitworth, and question him: ‘So, you’re ready to go to war?’

And when Lord Whitworth denied it, he threatened: ‘Then why expand the army like this? Who are these precautionary measures against? I don’t have a single battleship in any French port, but if you want to expand the army, I will expand the army as well. If you want to fight, I’ll play along. You can destroy France, but you cannot intimidate France.'”

“Wait.”

Arthur suddenly raised his hand to interrupt Talleyrand, “I used to go through some historical materials in university, and if I remember correctly, France’s expansion should have been ahead of Britain’s. Even the reason why the cabinet discussed expansion was because our envoy to France submitted a state report, which said that under Napoleon’s leadership, France had expanded its active army to 480,000 men.

If he really didn’t want to go to war, he should have reprimanded Sebastiani and had an honest conversation with our ambassador about the issue. But from what you’re saying, it seems like he had absolutely no intention of reconciliation. And this behavior of questioning others using things he himself did sounds really uncouth.”

“That’s right, but that’s politics, that’s diplomacy. I’ve been in this business for decades, and it’s never changed.”

Talleyrand burst into laughter, “Young man, you may be objective, you may want to solve problems, your logic is impeccable, but you don’t understand Napoleon, and you don’t understand France. Napoleon always appears tough in public, but in private, he would apologize to Lord Whitworth, expressing regret for his rudeness. But in diplomatic circles, you can’t get a single soft word out of his mouth.

I was puzzled for a long time as to why this guy could gain such high support and enthusiasm in France. The French people seemed not to care at all that this little warrior would lead them to hell. But after the Hundred Days ended, I finally understood the problem.

Napoleon understood the character of the French nation very well. He knew that the main driving force behind this nation was ‘honor and authority’. His position, power, and political destiny were built upon satisfying this vanity of the French people.

If he retreated at this time, it would damage France’s prestige and jeopardize his own position. Therefore, even though the British government often politely reminded him, and he acknowledged that ‘His Majesty the King should retain some of his occupied territories as compensation for France’s significant territorial expansion on the continent.’

But this promise had to be secret, made in private. In public, any concessions he made to Britain would be seen as a great shame for France. If he accepted Britain’s taking Malta as compensation, he would be the subject of ridicule in Paris the next day, and his authority would naturally be gone.”

Arthur, swirling his wine glass, posed his question, “Was it intentional or unintentional?”

“Of course it was intentional.”

Talleyrand said, “Napoleon was very proud of this tactic. He once proudly confessed his secret to others about how he achieved his political maneuvering.

He said: ‘I keep the common people satisfied while making the nobles tremble with fear. I give the nobles power on the surface, so they have to seek refuge and protection by my side. And I let the people threaten the nobles, so they can’t leave me. I will give them status and honor, but only if they owe me a debt of gratitude. This method of mine has worked in France. Look at those priests, they are increasingly loyal to my government every day, something they never expected themselves.'”

Arthur, upon hearing this, raised his glass and lightly clinked it with Talleyrand’s, “Such an arrogant person, if he were a historical figure, would indeed be appealing. But if he were by my side, he would definitely be a total nuisance. I couldn’t be friends with him.”

“Really?” Talleyrand laughed and said, “I saw the serialized ‘Napoleon’s Thoughts’ in The Economist. That Bonaparte boy by your side might not be much better than Napoleon.”

“You mean Louis?” Arthur took a sip of wine and looked at the ceiling, “If you hadn’t mentioned it, I wouldn’t have noticed. Looking at it this way, he does have a glimpse of his uncle’s essence, but he’s still too young. More importantly, he doesn’t have the power yet.”

Talleyrand said, “If you had been born in France a few decades earlier, you would definitely have been on my side.”

Arthur joked, “Are you sure I wouldn’t have been executed by Fouché?”

“Of course not.” Talleyrand joked back, “Because Fouché is on our side too. Otherwise, why do you think I would know these things that Napoleon said?”

Arthur asked, “Was his dissatisfaction with Napoleon also because of Sebastiani’s report?”

Talleyrand nodded, “His reaction was even more intense than mine. I just told Napoleon that if the First Consul had given his brother Joseph and his Foreign Minister more authority, this crisis could have been peacefully resolved.

But Fouché directly warned Napoleon in the Senate: ‘You yourself, like all of us, are a product of the revolution, and war makes everything uncertain. People want you to trust the revolutionary principles of other countries, which is flattering you. And the results of our revolution have almost wiped out these revolutionary principles!’

And Napoleon’s brother, Joseph, who now lives in Regent’s Crescent, was even more direct: ‘He dragged Europe into the bloodbath of war again! He could have avoided this war, and if he hadn’t sent his Sebastiani on that intolerable visit, the war wouldn’t have happened!'”

Arthur, upon hearing this, leaned forward slightly, “Actually, Napoleon’s war actions not only had a major impact on France, but he also sent the British Whigs to their graves. At the time, the Whigs were spreading propaganda at home that Napoleon was a very magnanimous person, and France wouldn’t pose a threat to Britain. However, as soon as the war broke out in Egypt and the Mediterranean, the Whigs were slapped in the face by Paris.

For the next thirty years, they never returned to power. It wasn’t until last year that they finally recovered. And Paris’s anti-British propaganda further turned the war propaganda with Britain into—it was Britain’s attempt to subvert France’s republican principles, which also branded that generation of British politicians with a strong anti-French viewpoint. This influence has continued to this day, with the current British Foreign Secretary, Viscount Palmerston, as a prime example.”

“Of course I know that.”

Talleyrand took a sip of wine, “Many things from that era shouldn’t be taken seriously. But what I find most amusing is that Napoleon was still accusing Britain of conspiring to subvert the republic the year before, and the next year he declared himself emperor. Because of this, not only were the Whigs slapped in the face, but all the artists who had cheered for Napoleon were also thrown into the gutter. So, that’s how the world is, don’t take anything too seriously, it’s all based on self-interest.”

Arthur, upon hearing this, simply smiled and replied, “You’re right, but the premise of not taking things seriously is that I’m not involved. But since you’re willing to spare some time from your busy schedule to have dinner with me, you can’t just give me some vague hints, can you?”

Talleyrand tied his napkin and leisurely cut into his veal steak, “Young man, I’ve already given you a lot. I’m not Napoleon, and I don’t rely on approval ratings for a living. I have no reason to do such a thing. Napoleon would bribe the Irish to assassinate the English king, but I wouldn’t do such a stupid thing.”

Arthur asked, “Then can you tell me more about Mr. Walewski? I have to be honest with you, the investigation into the Liverpool shooting wasn’t entirely led by Scotland Yard. Parliament also has a special committee responsible for investigating this case. The clues left by the assassins are too obvious. In the end, it will lead back to him.”

“Hmm?” Talleyrand slightly raised his head, looking at Arthur and smiling, “Not bad, the most promising officer in Scotland Yard, almost as fast as Vidocq. Walewski, how did you find this name? I remember Prince Czartoryski should have sent people to clean up Mr. Korwacki’s house.”

Arthur had heard the name Prince Czartoryski before. He was the temporary president of the Polish Insurrection government, the leader of Polish exiles in London, and at the same time, one of the co-founders of the British Polish Literary Friends.

When Arthur agreed to publish Polish literary works in The Englishman, the other party had even sent a letter of thanks to the editorial department.

Arthur never expected that he would be connected to the assassination case.

Seeing Arthur’s silence, Talleyrand added, “But rest assured, the assassin was not assigned by Prince Czartoryski. He sent people to clear the house to avoid unnecessary misunderstandings. After all, Korwacki had been Walewski’s secretary before his death. If his identity was uncovered, it would not only be bad for Poland, but it would also further affect Anglo-French relations.”

“It seems that besides Scotland Yard and Parliament, Polish exiles and the French embassy are also interested in this case? If so, perhaps you know the whereabouts of Mrs. Korwacki?”

“Unfortunately, we only found his children, but as for his wife, we don’t know where she went.”

Talleyrand said, “Young man, you must understand that France today is not the France of Napoleon’s time. We naturally want to maintain France’s position on the European continent, but we won’t be outside the entire framework as we were before.

Long ago, I expressed my view to Napoleon, and this view hasn’t changed until now. France is already big enough. Every future expansion, no matter how brilliant the victory, will always lose more than it gains. France’s goal is to maintain its existing borders and existing peace. The size of France is not determined by France’s strength, nor by the ambitions of politicians, but by the realities of Europe.

Our current government is certainly interested in Poland, but that’s within the framework of the existing order of Europe. If France were really interested in land, we wouldn’t have allowed Prince Leopold, who had lived in Britain for so long, to become King of Belgium last year.

Since France doesn’t even seek Belgium, how could it seek to control Poland? We just can’t stand the Russians wanting to claim Poland for themselves and break the European balance.

When Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808, Mr. Tolstoy, the Russian ambassador to Paris, exclaimed: ‘Napoleon seems to want to wipe out all the old monarchs, to swallow up every piece of land he can. Heaven knows what he will do after Spain is pacified. He is such a unprincipled, greedy devil!’

However, today, France has abandoned the expansionist policies of Napoleon’s time, and these Russians have picked them up again. Arthur, I’m not going to talk to you about empty words like freedom and democracy. I just want to tell you that speaking up for Poland is in Britain’s best interests.

Nicholas I and his brother Alexander I are not the same. In this regard, Prince Czartoryski, who has worked with both of them, has a lot to say.

If you talk to Prince Czartoryski, you can hear from his mouth: ‘In my opinion, Alexander I’s heart was truly filled with grand ideals for the good of the people, generous and selfless thoughts and feelings, and a willingness to sacrifice a part of his royal power for the sake of all this. But these were merely the empty dreams of youth, not the firm will of an adult. His Majesty likes the facade of freedom, like watching a play. As long as he sees the facade of a free government in the empire, it is enough to satisfy his vanity and make him happy. But he doesn’t expect it to become a true reality. He would gladly allow everyone to have freedom, but only if everyone voluntarily does things exactly as the emperor dictates.'”

Arthur, upon hearing this, stroked his chin and asked, “If Alexander I was already this bad, then what kind of person is Nicholas I?”

“Need I say more?” Talleyrand cut a piece of beef and put it in his mouth, “He doesn’t even want to see the facade of freedom.”

(End of Chapter)