SGB Chapter 357

## Chapter 357: Red Face and White Face

The office of the Lord Chancellor was filled with the scent of aged parchment and the quiet hum of conversation. Viscount Melbourne and Lord Brougham sat on opposite ends of a plush sofa, a stack of documents piled neatly between them.

The documents were filled with names, each followed by a grim list of accusations.

Grand theft of livestock, breaking and entering, destruction of machinery, highway robbery, murder, treason… each crime was serious enough to warrant a hanging, and many individuals bore the weight of multiple charges, making their fate a slow and repetitive death sentence.

Lord Brougham held the list, his brow furrowed. “Over a thousand criminals facing the gallows. If we execute them all, it will exceed the number of executions in the past decade combined.”

Viscount Melbourne stroked his chin, a thoughtful expression on his face. “I know. I promised those rioters that if they surrendered, the government would consider leniency. We can’t execute all of them, not even most of them. This isn’t the 1820s anymore. The spirit of freedom has taken root in Britain. Every execution will be scrutinized under a magnifying glass by the British people. Not to mention the press hounds on Fleet Street who are always eager to make a story out of anything.”

Lord Brougham, reclining on the sofa with a glass of wine in hand, smirked. “It’s a sign of societal progress, but it brings many headaches for our law enforcement. British courts have always been known for their impartiality and independent judgments, but even if they sentence someone to death, only about one in ten actually face execution these days.”

Viscount Melbourne nodded, “My Lord, for the Swan Riot, I believe even one in ten is too high. Executing over a hundred people at once? That’s almost as many as the total executions in England last year.

I’ve already discussed this with Peel, both he, as the former Home Secretary, and I, as the current one, believe we should only execute those who were the ringleaders or committed unforgivable crimes like murder. For the rest, those with less serious offenses should be considered for acquittal, while those with more serious offenses can be sentenced to exile or hard labor.”

Lord Brougham frowned slightly, “Viscount, with all due respect, no one can interfere with the independence of British judges. While I have the power to appoint judges to fill vacancies, once they’re on the bench, I have no authority to remove them. If it were only a few criminals, I could find you a few judges who are more flexible in their approach.

But with over a thousand people to be tried, it’s impossible for a handful of judges to finish the trials in a short time. The Home Office might have the luxury of time, but the Fleet Street journalists are not known for their patience. If they get wind of this, things will only get worse.”

“No, you’re misunderstanding me,” Viscount Melbourne clarified. “Of course, I know the independence of British judges is sacred and inviolable. Even His Majesty has been outmaneuvered by them more than once. You, in your younger days as a lawyer, didn’t you win the divorce case for Queen Caroline against King George IV?

Therefore, I will not, nor can I, violate the justice of the court. On the contrary, I hope all the courts will conduct fair trials and pass judgments as they deem fit. My intention to establish a special tribunal for the Swan Riot trials is to ensure the justice, openness, and transparency of the trials.”

Lord Brougham, no fool himself, immediately understood the subtext as soon as he realized that Melbourne wasn’t trying to manipulate the trials.

“You want His Majesty to issue special pardons to those criminals after the trials are over, don’t you?”

Viscount Melbourne smiled and nodded, “I’ve already informed the Prime Minister beforehand, and I’ll visit the other members of the Privy Council’s Judicial Committee one by one. As long as you, the chairman, agree, I believe His Majesty will respect the collective opinion of the committee.”

Melbourne had expected a lengthy debate in the Lord Chancellor’s office, as Lord Brougham, a seasoned royal counsel, was notoriously difficult to deal with.

Besides his somewhat cold demeanor, Brougham’s habitually sharp wit and words were intimidating.

As one of the founders of the Whig Party’s official newspaper, the Edinburgh Review, Brougham, in his youth, enjoyed attacking the unrestrained romantic poets like Byron, Shelley, and Keats, whom he found distasteful.

Of these attacks, his criticism of Keats was the most vicious and intense.

It was said that Keats, when he was gravely ill, saw Brougham’s critical article about him and spat blood, dying shortly after.

While such gossip shouldn’t be taken entirely at face value, Londoners still called him “Cold Brougham” for a long time.

However, “cold” is an inaccurate term to describe Brougham. From the perspective of the Whig Party, his political stance sometimes seemed too “enthusiastic.”

In the long-standing rivalry between the Whigs and the Tories, the Tories prided themselves on tradition, while the Whigs championed freedom and progress.

Yet, even within the liberal and progressive Whig Party, Brougham seemed too liberal and progressive.

Even among the left-leaning Whigs, Brougham belonged to the radical left wing.

In law, Brougham, in his youth, was a fervent supporter of the legal reformer Samuel Romilly.

In human rights, he was a vocal supporter of William Wilberforce, the initiator of the abolitionist movement.

In education, he was one of the first in Britain to call for public education. And being a man of action, he didn’t merely shout slogans. Though he couldn’t change the minds of Parliament, Brougham still raised funds and, with a few like-minded friends, founded the University of London.

As for politics, Brougham was a staunch supporter of parliamentary reform, and the kind who wouldn’t budge even if ten donkeys were tied to his neck.

Perhaps it was because of Brougham’s radical ideas and his ability to act on them that, despite joining the Whig Party early and enjoying a high social standing, he wasn’t officially chosen as a parliamentary candidate until 1810 when the Whigs were truly desperate for someone.

Neither the scorn of Keats’ supporters nor the venomous attacks of his political opponents had ever changed the Royal Chancellor’s expression.

This self-assured personality was in stark contrast to the mild and lazy Viscount Melbourne, who wasn’t very keen on engaging in arguments.

Therefore, when Melbourne arrived at the Lord Chancellor’s office today, he was prepared for a potential setback.

After all, what he was asking of Brougham was, to a certain extent, a blatant disregard for the authority of the court.

However, to his surprise, Brougham readily agreed.

“Actually, even if you hadn’t come to me, I would have requested His Majesty to issue pardons.”

“Huh?” Melbourne raised an eyebrow in surprise, “What’s the reason for that?”

Lord Brougham explained, “This matter was still in the planning stage, but since we’re on the topic, I might as well be straightforward. Everyone knows that I’ve been supporting Lord Romilly’s call for legal reform.

Although Sir Peel, during his tenure, has significantly pushed forward the repeal of the Bloody Code, reducing the number of capital offenses from 222 to 56, I still believe some capital offenses need careful consideration.

For example, the death penalty for 42 types of forgery is inappropriate. Although Parliament passed a bill in 1830 reaffirming the necessity of capital punishment for these forgery offenses, I discovered, after discussing it with Lord Radziwill, that in the past year, no one has been executed for violating these forgery laws.

Lord Radziwill said frankly, ‘The disparity between legal provisions and legal practice is perhaps even more shocking.’

Juries are reluctant to condemn a life for forgery. Even among judges, many believe the punishment is too severe. To avoid killing someone, juries often deliver not-guilty verdicts. If this continues, such laws will become mere empty words.

So, I’ve been thinking about using less severe but more certain punishments to replace those that are disproportionate to the crimes committed. Only laws that are acceptable to the public can be truly implemented. And once implemented, they can be called laws. Otherwise, they’re no different from Keats’ poetry.”

“Keats’ poetry?”

“Yes,” Brougham took a sip of wine. “It looks beautiful, but it’s actually just whining without purpose, achieving nothing.”

Hearing this, Melbourne’s worried heart finally settled back into his chest. He raised his glass in a toast, “Appointing you as Lord Chancellor was indeed a wise decision. If the Lord Chancellor’s office decides to continue pushing for judicial reform, the Home Office will definitely provide full support.”

Brougham, upon hearing this, suddenly said, “But as you said, although His Majesty will issue pardons to some or reduce their sentences to lesser punishments, the court judgments should still be based on the existing statutes.

Those who are sentenced to death in court should still be sentenced to death. If the court starts to show leniency, it would be tantamount to encouraging riots. The authority and sanctity of the law would be lost. This time, it’s His Majesty’s grace, but there won’t be a next time.”

“I agree,” Melbourne smiled, “Let His Majesty be the good guy, I’m sure he’ll be happy too. Speaking of which, the current King seems different from his brother. He has a naturally compassionate heart and practices humanism. I hear that whenever Old Bailey Court sends death sentences to His Majesty for approval, he always reads them several times before ordering the judges to present the case to him in person before he signs his name. Last year, His Majesty personally commuted death sentences in about 90% of cases.”

Brougham jokingly said, “With His Majesty’s help, your job has become much easier, hasn’t it? If he was as indolent as his predecessor, according to convention, it would be the Home Secretary who would approve executions.”

Melbourne also laughed and replied, “You’re right. His Majesty probably knows my lazy nature, and he knows not everyone can be as energetic as Sir Peel. He’s always considerate of his subjects, whether it’s the Home Secretary or his old comrades in the Royal Navy.”

Brougham winked and said, “Unfortunately, others in the Upper House don’t think the same way. I heard those old fogies complaining about His Majesty not having the same taste and refinement as his brother. They say he speaks out of turn, and when he’s drunk, he likes to give everyone a long speech about pre-battle mobilization on board a ship. Even elegant French sounds like it’s tainted with Caribbean tobacco when he speaks.”

Out of courtesy, Melbourne just slightly curled his lips, without laughing out loud.

He said, “The people you’re talking about didn’t think highly of him before he ascended the throne. His Majesty probably didn’t expect to inherit the throne either. For a long time, he was the invisible man of the royal family. Whether it was choosing to follow Admiral Nelson in his youth or threatening his father to join the Upper House later, it all shows that His Majesty is someone who craves attention. Although he might be a little inappropriate in some aspects, he truly wants to be a great king.”

Brougham wiped his mouth with a handkerchief and said, “So, you’re giving him this opportunity, to show his compassion to the British public and pardon those rioters?”

Viscount Melbourne chuckled softly, “Just a coincidence.”

Melbourne was unwilling to elaborate, and Brougham didn’t intend to press further.

As a professional lawyer, he wasn’t fond of social niceties, and his independent nature made him more concerned with practical implementation.

He simply asked, “Now that we’ve decided on who gets to play the role of the compassionate one, who are you going to assign to play the role of the scapegoat? Manipulating judges’ decisions is only a theoretical possibility, and only someone with a screw loose would willingly roll in the mud.”

Brougham’s words hit the nail on the head, revealing another purpose of Melbourne’s visit.

Viscount Melbourne reorganized his thoughts and analyzed slowly, “We all know how sensitive this trial is. We can’t find someone who’s already got a bad reputation to do this. That would only make the Fleet Street journalists rejoice and infuriate the British people…”

“Makes sense,” Brougham seemed to casually throw out a suggestion, “If you could persuade the Archbishop of Canterbury to take on the prosecution, that would be perfect.”

“There’s no need for that. The prosecutor doesn’t have to be that pure and innocent.”

Viscount Melbourne quickly interrupted Brougham’s whimsical idea, realizing that Brougham had probably guessed his intentions.

Since that was the case, he decided not to beat around the bush and asked directly, “I intend to assign this task to the London District Prosecutor’s Office, or to be more precise, to your protégé, Arthur Hastings.”

“Oh…” Brougham leaned back on the sofa and looked out the window, “I have to say, your thinking is quite agile. From the religious leader of Britain, you’ve suddenly turned to the University of London, a bastion of atheism.”

A simple sentence instantly pulled Melbourne back from his earlier lightheartedness to the cold reality.

Brougham’s difficult nature was immediately evident.

The reason he was so agreeable earlier was not because he had a good temper, but because Melbourne’s ideas were aligned with his.

Once their ideas diverged, it would instantly become a hail of insults and a storm of criticism.

However, Melbourne also understood Brougham’s perspective.

The University of London, as a newly established institution, and having only recently received its teaching charter, didn’t have many notable alumni.

Just the other day, the Times had published an enrollment advertisement featuring Arthur Hastings.

Now, to have Brougham’s most prized pupil carry the explosive charge? There was absolutely no logic in that.

To make matters worse, Arthur had just been shot in Liverpool. It was already a sign of restraint that Brougham hadn’t erupted.

To smear his student at this time would be a blatant disregard for Brougham’s authority.

However, Melbourne had anticipated this and had prepared a persuasive argument.

“Actually, if there were other suitable candidates, I wouldn’t want to burden him with this task. Even from a personal standpoint, Mr. Hastings has been quite helpful to me. Recently, I had a disagreement with Mr. Faraday, and it was he who stepped in and helped resolve it. So, when the Liverpool incident occurred, I immediately sent people from Scotland Yard to strengthen his protection.

But in my personal view, having Mr. Hastings take on this job would be immensely beneficial for his future growth. To be honest, the Home Office is also considering revising the Metropolitan Police Act of 1829. Arthur’s capabilities and achievements are evident to everyone.

Although promotions without proper qualifications are generally not allowed, I’ve always been willing to promote talented young people. If Arthur can successfully handle this prosecution, after the reorganization of Scotland Yard, he should be promoted to Assistant Superintendent, and those who questioned his dual role as Deputy Prosecutor of the London District Prosecutor’s Office will also be silenced.

Furthermore, at the last Privy Council meeting, didn’t we discuss the list of candidates for lower-order knighthoods for next year? The specific candidates haven’t been formally confirmed yet. If Arthur can close this case before the list is submitted, I believe his achievements definitely warrant such an honor.”

Lord Brougham, upon hearing this, still had a look of displeasure on his face.

He was about to argue with Melbourne again, but before he could speak, a knock on the door interrupted them.

“My Lord, Mr. Hastings has returned from Liverpool. Are you available to receive him now?”

(To be continued)