## Chapter 179: Clash in Parliament (7K4)
The two heated Members of Parliament, locked in a heated argument, were quickly subdued by the intervention of the Sergeant-at-Arms.
After they were escorted out of the Chamber, a semblance of order returned to the boisterous House of Commons.
The Duke of Wellington watched as the two bickering parliamentarians, who had agreed to a duel, were led away. He then, accompanied by his close associates, made his way to the reserved front row seats.
However, before he could settle in, he saw a sea of hands raised from the Whig benches opposite.
Seizing the opportunity while the Speaker reiterated the rules of order, Wellington turned to his right hand man, Sir Robert Peel, and asked, “Robert, how is the situation with the ‘King’s Annuity Bill’?”
Peel, with a look of concern, rubbed his forehead and replied, “The outlook is not good, Duke. The Whigs are relentless in their focus on the financial mismanagement and corruption within the civil service. By the looks of it, they will push through the amendments to the ‘King’s Annuity Bill’ regardless of our objections.”
If these words were to reach an average Londoner, they would likely be lost in translation. But in the ears of the Duke of Wellington, they held a different weight.
The ‘King’s Annuity Bill’, passed in 1697, stipulated that Parliament would annually grant the King a sum of money, known as the “King’s Annuity”. This fund was primarily used for the royal family’s expenses and the salaries of government officials.
Cabinet members like the Foreign Secretary and Home Secretary were typically referred to as “political officials”. However, positions like the Permanent Under-Secretary of the Home Office were known as “civil servants”.
The primary distinction between these two types of officials was that “political officials” were elected and served non-professional roles in the government. They led departments, made decisions, but did not handle the actual implementation.
On the other hand, “civil servants” were appointed rather than elected. They were responsible for implementing policies rather than making decisions.
Due to their unique nature and the fact that their salaries were paid from the King’s Annuity, civil servant appointments were widely known as “Royal Patronage”. In reality, all civil servants were loyal to the King, not the Cabinet.
Therefore, while the King and the ruling party had no influence over the election of political officials, they held the power to control the salaries and appointments of civil servants. This control effectively meant controlling the entire civil service.
The Whigs’ proposal to amend the ‘King’s Annuity Bill’ aimed to separate the royal family’s expenses from the salaries of government officials. This would ensure that civil servants received their salaries from the national treasury, not the King’s Annuity.
This move would significantly restrict the influence of the King and the Tory party on civil servants, preventing them from hindering the Whigs’ administration in the future.
More importantly, this would expose the numerous sinecure positions, filled by Tories who secretly used them to bribe neutral MPs and pocket public funds.
After all, scrutinizing the treasury’s accounts was far easier than examining the King’s personal spending.
As the Speaker’s gavel fell, the Chamber finally fell silent.
“Lord John Russell!” the Speaker announced in a booming voice.
A young to middle-aged man, dressed in a tailcoat and sporting a side parting, ascended the podium, clutching a stack of papers.
“Mr. Speaker, I must highlight the chaos and inefficiency that have engulfed our nation under this corrupt and incompetent government. The severity of the situation is undeniable. Last month, London, Birmingham, and Manchester witnessed protest marches. Rural famine is worsening, the Swing Riots are escalating in the south of England, and all classes of citizens, from merchants to workers to farmers, are demanding parliamentary reform.
Yet, our Prime Minister, the brilliant and mighty Duke of Wellington, in the face of public outcry, has retreated to his ‘London No. 1’ residence, Apsley House. Apart from replacing his windows with iron bars, I have seen no effective measures taken by the government to address this crisis, the greatest since the end of the Napoleonic Wars.
I do not doubt the Duke’s extraordinary military leadership abilities. However, I question whether a man who only knows how to manage through military discipline can effectively govern the greatest nation in the world. My question is, does the Prime Minister truly understand the gravity of the situation? Does he realize that resisting reform is undermining the democratic traditions that Britain has gradually established since the Glorious Revolution?
Britain is a great democracy, not a nag driven forward by the Duke’s whip. He is gradually transforming Britain into his personal military dictatorship. If he refuses to acknowledge this, he must at least provide a reasonable explanation for his sluggish response and inaction!”
As soon as Russell finished speaking, a large group of Whig backbenchers rose to their feet, cheering and applauding the question posed by their leader.
The Speaker’s gaze shifted to the right side of the chamber. “The Prime Minister!” he called out.
The Duke of Wellington, leaning on his cane like a sword, rose to his feet. Before he could take a step, however, he heard Sir Robert Peel whisper beside him, “Your Grace, if you encounter a question you can’t handle, leave it to us.”
The Duke, merely nodding his head and adjusting his hat, replied, “Robert, have you forgotten what I told you earlier? I might not be skilled in debate, but I am not here to debate. I am here to scold.”
With that, the old Duke strode towards the podium, covering the distance in three steps. Following parliamentary tradition, he did not directly address Russell but instead spoke to the Speaker, who served as the intermediary.
“Mr. Speaker, I believe that a true patriot must abandon religion and class consciousness. Their opposition in Parliament should be directed at the bills themselves, not the individuals. Lord Russell’s assertion that military men cannot govern effectively is ludicrous.
I ask Lord Russell, who preserved our parliamentary democracy when the King dissolved Parliament? It was a soldier, Oliver Cromwell!
Who steadfastly and boldly opposed Charles II’s interference in Parliament and led the movement for parliamentary supremacy? It was a soldier, William Cavendish!
And who, after assuming absolute power, willingly restored the King and reinstated Britain’s constitutional traditions? Again, it was a soldier, George Monck!
Thanks to these soldiers, we have our current parliamentary tradition, allowing individuals like Lord Russell to sit in this very chamber. Yet, such individuals as Russell are already so incompetent and lacking in insight, now he intends to bring even more unqualified people into Parliament.
I believe that if we were to pass the ‘Reform Bill’ and dilute Parliament in such a manner, the only beneficiaries would be individuals like Lord Russell. For when the political decision-making level of Parliament diminishes, even his laughable pronouncements will seem profound. This is truly the worst thing I have witnessed since my birth!”
The Duke’s words were met with a chorus of cheers from the Tory benches.
General Sidney Smith, who was observing the questioning from the second floor of the Chamber, burst into laughter and quipped, “Your Grace, I disagree with your assessment. You consider the ‘Reform Bill’ to be the worst thing in the world because you haven’t seen Lord Russell’s new five-act play, ‘Don Carlos’. Compared to that, even the ‘Reform Bill’ seems acceptable.”
Lord Russell, already visibly upset by the Duke’s subtle taunts, was further enraged by General Smith’s mockery. He jumped up from his seat and pointed at Smith, shouting, “Smith! What did you say?”
General Codrington, who had accompanied Smith, turned pale. He tugged at Smith’s coat, pleading in a hushed voice, “The atmosphere in the Chamber is already tense enough. Don’t stir the pot.”
Smith nodded, seemingly agreeing to Codrington’s request. But turning back to Russell, he said, “Lord Russell, I mean no offense. To be honest, apart from that play, you’re not always that bad. Gentlemen, I have always believed that Lord Russell has many talents. I believe he can perform a lithotripsy operation on a patient, build St. Paul’s Cathedral, or even replace my friend Codrington as the commander of our Channel Fleet…”
At this, Russell’s grim expression softened slightly. But soon, Smith’s voice rang out again.
Smith burst into laughter, “However, judging by his demeanor, the patient he treated has died, the cathedral he built has collapsed, and the Channel Fleet under his command has been utterly destroyed.”
Smith’s words sparked uproarious laughter from the Tory benches, while Whig MPs rose in indignation, loudly condemning his remarks.
Seeing the situation spiraling out of control, the Speaker, his neck veins bulging, once again raised his gavel and demanded order. “Silence! Silence! Sergeant-at-Arms, remove these troublemakers from the Chamber!”
However, Smith, who was on the second floor, was clearly more sensible than the two MPs who had been ejected earlier. He said, “No need for that, Mr. Speaker. I’ve had enough of sharing a room with Lord Russell. I’ll leave on my own.”
With that, he limped out of the chamber, his cane tapping rhythmically against the floor, under the watchful eyes of everyone present.
Russell, his eyes wide with fury, pointed at Smith’s retreating back and shouted, “Smith, after this questioning is over, I will demand an explanation! Our reason for pushing for parliamentary reform is to eradicate parasites like you from Britain.”
The Speaker, realizing that the debate was veering off course, quickly called out, “Next! The Duke of Bedford!”
The Duke of Bedford, after calming his agitated brother, rushed to the podium and questioned the Prime Minister. “Regardless of the Prime Minister’s attempts at sophistry, we hope everyone will see that the dictator standing before us is defying public opinion and attempting to consolidate all power in his own hands. While I have always opposed anarchy, if I were forced to choose between anarchy and despotism, I would choose anarchy!”
Wellington, without hesitation, retorted, “If anyone wants to see anarchy in action, they don’t need to leave Britain. They can simply visit the Duke of Bedford’s estate and witness the reality of anarchy. As far as I know, the Swing Riots have always thrived in the Duke’s territory. The Luddite movement, which destroyed textile factory machinery, was also a major problem in Bedford’s area.”
The Duke’s words left the Duke of Bedford and Lord Russell speechless, their faces flushed with anger.
The Tory supporters were astonished by the Prime Minister’s performance. No one had expected Wellington, who rarely engaged in debates, to unleash such a barrage of attacks, even against renowned Whig debaters like the Russell brothers.
Amidst the Tory cheers, Lord Grey, the leader of the Whigs, finally snapped.
“Charles Grey, Earl Grey!”
As the Speaker called his name, Grey shot out of his seat like a cannonball, reaching the podium in an instant. He held aloft a thick stack of papers, declaring in a loud voice.
“I am not here today to engage in idle banter with the Prime Minister! We want to present this material to everyone. Many people are unaware of the urgency for Britain to pass the ‘King’s Annuity Bill’ and implement parliamentary reform!
According to the ‘People’s Friend’ Association’s investigation, the current Parliament is not a true representation of the British people. Of the 203 constituencies in England, only 20 have more than a thousand voters in their boroughs. The number of voters in England with voting rights is less than 4% of the total population.
The situation is even worse in Scotland. Scotland has 33 counties with a total of less than 3000 voters, averaging less than a hundred voters per MP.
If we expand our view to the entire nation, out of the 24 million people in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, only 400,000 have the right to vote. This represents less than 3% of the adult population.
Furthermore, in the smaller boroughs, nepotism is rampant, and parliamentary seats are practically tied to land ownership, becoming an inherited legacy for some local nobles. The MP for Lancashire has been a Danby since the 17th century, while the MP for Cumberland has always been a Lowther.
If there are two prominent families in a region, they have a tradition of fielding two candidates. This ‘two-against-two’ election system is meaningless in terms of parliamentary politics!
Moreover, during the election campaigns, fraud and corruption are commonplace! Bribery, offering money and gifts, and transporting voters in carriages are considered relatively civilized practices!
More shamelessly, some large landowners threaten their tenants, raising their rent or even stripping them of their tenancy rights if they don’t vote for a specific candidate.
There are even families who, in pursuit of parliamentary seats, engage in brawls with their rivals, accompanied by their retainers, resulting in injuries! Yet, our government remains deaf and blind to such occurrences! Is this the behavior of a responsible Cabinet?”
Upon hearing these words, even Wellington, known for his composure, couldn’t help but frown.
However, he had anticipated the Whigs’ attack and had prepared a counterstrategy.
Wellington flipped through the papers on his desk, referring to the information provided by his Permanent Under-Secretary, while responding.
“Violence and bribery during elections are certainly deplorable, but I am unsure where Lord Grey obtained his data. As far as I know, the incidents of violent campaigning and bribery in Britain have significantly decreased compared to a decade ago. The process of parliamentary democratization is steadily progressing.
Today’s candidates are more refined than their crude predecessors. They prefer to personally campaign several months before the election, visiting voters door-to-door. Those with ample resources hire lawyers and writers to promote their policies and campaign platforms in newspapers. Many candidates’ wives also take to the streets, supporting their husbands’ endeavors at campaign rallies.
Within our Tory ranks, we encourage all aspiring candidates to maintain close ties with local parish priests, integrating their sermons with election campaigns. This allows voters to listen to the Gospel while actively participating in the country’s future decision-making.
Lord Grey mentioned that his data came from the ‘People’s Friend’ Association. According to our understanding, this association is funded by Lord Grey himself. I cannot comment on the reliability of their data source.
Perhaps the situation they described still exists. However, our Tory MPs have always been law-abiding and conduct elections in accordance with the spirit of the Glorious Revolution. Therefore, I implore Lord Grey not to apply the situation in Whig constituencies to every region across the nation.”
Wellington’s words sounded calm, but each sentence was laced with sarcasm, designed to provoke Grey.
However, Grey, a seasoned politician honed by generations of Tory leaders, was not as easily provoked as Lord Russell.
Grey said, “Is that so? Your Grace believes that such practices do not exist within the Tory party?”
Wellington replied, “The situation has significantly improved.”
Grey, flipping through his papers, stated, “Then let us examine this issue from a broader perspective. As far as I know, in the 1784 election, your party’s Lord Falmouth spent 9000 pounds for three seats. Lord Mont spent 13000 pounds for six seats, while Lord Montagu was more astute, securing two seats for just 4000 pounds. These figures are not solely from the ‘People’s Friend’ investigation. Does the Prime Minister acknowledge the existence of such practices?”
Wellington addressed the Speaker, “Mr. Speaker, I believe you must remind the Earl that it is now 1830. If he wishes to debate this, he could go all the way back to the time of William the Conqueror. And as I mentioned earlier, corruption still exists.
But besides corrupt constituencies, we also have many exemplary constituencies. The most prominent examples are the constituencies of Cambridge University and Oxford University. Every student enrolled in Oxford and Cambridge automatically acquires the right to vote in the university constituency. Is there a more lenient parliamentary voting system in the world?”
Grey, upon hearing Wellington mention the two university constituencies, seized the opportunity as if he had found a winning weapon. He immediately launched into his attack.
“Excellent! Since the Prime Minister is willing to mention university constituencies, I have two questions that require your clarification. Oxford and Cambridge are indeed the epitome of elections in Britain. However, I do not know if the Prime Minister is aware of the following situation.
Oxford and Cambridge students can vote in the university but can also vote in their hometowns simultaneously. The same applies to other regions. If someone owns enough property in multiple locations, they automatically acquire the right to vote in those locations. The Prime Minister, do you believe there are loopholes in this system, which is not based on individual representation but solely on property ownership?”
Wellington, hearing this, couldn’t help but sweat. He knew Grey was a difficult opponent, but he hadn’t expected him to be so relentless.
He flipped through his papers, his brow furrowed with frustration. “I hope the Earl will first familiarize himself with the British system of election complaints and allegations. In case of unfair practices like multiple voting, inaccurate vote counting, voter bribery, and intimidation, the losing candidate and their supporters can file an allegation with Parliament at any time.
If the House of Commons’ Election Committee finds the allegations to be true, it will naturally punish the offending MPs. There have been numerous instances in the past where MPs have been disqualified, which is documented evidence. ”
Grey, hearing this, couldn’t help but smile. He had been preparing for this battle for a long time and wouldn’t let Wellington deflect his attack with vague responses.
He addressed the Speaker, “Then, Mr. Speaker, please ask the Prime Minister, what is the success rate of the Election Committee in handling allegations? If the Prime Minister doesn’t know, I can provide the answer here. According to House records, the success rate of these allegations is less than 1%.
However, according to the 1787 election report, out of 513 MPs investigated, at least 370 were suspected of using illegal means.
And in 1827, your party’s political commentator, John Croker, based on a survey of the social connections of all 658 MPs in the House, discovered that 270 MPs were suspected of being controlled by large landowners. Of these, 203 MPs were Tories, and eight major British nobles controlled 57 seats. How does the Prime Minister intend to respond to this?”
Wellington remained silent, but Grey pressed on, refusing to let him off the hook.
“The Prime Minister just hailed the Election Committee as the most impartial and powerful electoral oversight body in Britain. Has he forgotten the two major election fraud cases that erupted shortly after he assumed office in 1827?
At the time, my party’s spokesperson, Lord John Russell, demanded the permanent removal of the electoral rights of those two corrupt constituencies. Many in your party demanded that those two seats be transferred to regions controlled by the ruling party. And the late Mr. Huskisson, who recently passed away, advocated for transferring at least one of those seats to Birmingham, a city with a growing population.
Ultimately, your decision was to directly allocate those two seats to both parties without an election. However, out of a sense of fairness, I believe that this direct allocation without an election violates parliamentary tradition, so I am raising the ‘Reform Bill,’ which was under consideration decades ago.
And your response at the time was, ‘As long as I hold office, I will always oppose such a bill.’
So, my question today is, even after several years have passed, even though the situation has changed, even though priests, merchants, workers, and farmers across the nation are demanding reform, is your stance still so firmly opposed to parliamentary reform?
Prime Minister, please answer my question directly! This is not Waterloo, you don’t need to resort to the devious tactics you used on the battlefield!”
As Grey finished speaking, a deafening silence descended upon the boisterous Chamber.
Both Tories and Whigs held their breath, their gazes fixed on the Prime Minister, the Duke of Wellington.
Wellington, who had been flipping through his papers, suddenly stopped. His body trembled slightly, and a snort of laughter escaped the old Duke’s lips.
With a resounding “clap,” Wellington slammed his hand on the table, startling everyone present.
He turned his head towards Grey, ignoring the Speaker as an intermediary. He raised his right arm and pointed at Grey.
“I never play games or resort to devious tactics. I defeat my enemies on the battlefield, head-on.
Grey, I have told you before, I am a simple man. I hate being Prime Minister, because it’s not a job for me. I am a straightforward man, so I don’t know how to, nor do I want to, hide my intentions.”
Sir Robert Peel, hearing this, hastily rose to his feet, urging Wellington, “Your Grace.”
But before he could speak, Wellington raised his hand, cutting him off. “Robert, mind your own business. This has nothing to do with you, or your party members. This is a matter between me and Grey.”
With that, Wellington pointed his finger at Grey’s nose and said, “You are right, Grey. My stance remains unchanged. Past, present, and future, I will steadfastly oppose parliamentary reform!
British politics is not a game. If you want to let unqualified individuals in, I respect your decision. But don’t expect me to stand with you!
Do you understand? As long as Arthur Wellesley lives, as long as my legs can carry me, as long as I can stand in the Chamber of the House of Commons in Westminster, you will not pass the ‘Reform Bill’!”
Grey, upon hearing these words, was so enraged that his entire body trembled.
Behind him, the Whig MPs, their faces flushed with anger, threw the papers in front of them into the air.
Papers flew through the Chamber, and Lord Russell and others slammed their hands on the table.
“This is outrageous!”
“Wellington, we demand your immediate resignation!”
Those who had followed Wellington, his loyal followers, were furious. They instinctively reached for their swords, but their hands found nothing at their waists.
However, this did not prevent the generals, who had long since retired from the battlefield, from rolling up their sleeves to aid their old leader.
Before they could charge, however, they were restrained by Sir Robert Peel and others.
Peel, holding down the Marquis of Anglesey, who was struggling to break free, gritted his teeth and said, “Don’t be impulsive. This is all part of the Duke’s plan. If you go up and start throwing punches, you’ll be undoing all his efforts today.”
Viscount Palmerston, sitting opposite Peel, simply smiled.
Then, with a serious expression, he rose to his feet and addressed the Speaker with a raised arm. “Henry Temple, Viscount Palmerston, requests that the Speaker put forth a motion of no confidence in the Wellington government when Parliament reconvenes next week!”
(End of Chapter)