## Chapter 84: The King’s Fate
Arthur strolled freely down the bustling streets of London. Dressed in plain clothes for the day, he finally had the chance to slow down and savor the sights that differed from his usual routine.
Following the latest directive from Sir Peel, Scotland Yard had deployed a select group of seasoned officers in plain clothes to infiltrate various gatherings and conduct covert surveillance. This was in response to the escalating protests and mass rallies erupting across London.
Sir Peel’s concern was understandable. This wasn’t the first time demands for parliamentary reform and expanded suffrage had surged through the city. The first major wave of such activism in England had coincided with the French Revolution of 1789.
As Sir Peel emphasized in his Home Office documents, each French revolution had inevitably triggered unforeseen consequences in England. The 1789 revolution ignited fervent political passion among the lower classes in England. It challenged long-held beliefs, awakening many to the realization that politics wasn’t solely the domain of the elite; ordinary citizens had a right to participate.
One of the first to challenge the status quo was the Reverend Richard Price, a prominent member of the Sheffield Constitutional Society. In a sermon commemorating the 101st anniversary of the Glorious Revolution, he articulated a crucial point that would fuel subsequent reform movements: the Glorious Revolution’s most significant legacy was the people’s right to choose their government and replace it whenever necessary.
This view immediately sparked fierce opposition from Edmund Burke, a Whig intellectual who published Reflections on the Revolution in France, outlining his counter-argument. He maintained that the Glorious Revolution wasn’t about change but about upholding tradition. Tradition, he argued, was the bedrock of society and its preservation was paramount. The French Revolution, he claimed, had shattered tradition and plunged France into chaos. England must not follow suit; it must preserve tradition to ensure national security.
While Burke held the upper hand, Thomas Paine countered with his Rights of Man, challenging Burke’s arguments. Paine asserted that every generation had the right to choose its own political system, and that their ancestors had no right to dictate their choices. Choosing a political system was an inherent right bestowed upon every Englishman, and they should fight to defend it.
However, under the current system, laborers were deprived of this right, leading to widespread poverty. Restoring their rights was the only way to alleviate their plight.
Upon its publication, Paine’s Rights of Man sold over 200,000 copies within a year.
This social climate spurred the formation of numerous reformist organizations, like the Sheffield Constitutional Society and the London Corresponding Society, with memberships reaching tens of thousands.
The British government was gripped with fear, viewing these organizations as harbingers of revolution. Acting on the principle of “better to strike first than to be struck,” the authorities swiftly arrested key figures from the London Corresponding Society and the Sheffield Constitutional Society, charging them with treason.
The chairman of the London Corresponding Society, Mr. Margarot and Mr. Gerald, were ultimately sentenced to fourteen years of exile, while most other members were acquitted by the jury due to insufficient evidence.
As the French Revolution faltered, the parliamentary reform movement also waned. However, the memories of the past lingered in the minds of the parliamentarians, making Sir Peel hesitant to take any chances.
After decades of experience, the Tories had proven that resorting solely to violence only exacerbated the situation. While Duke of Wellington and Sir Peel opposed parliamentary reform, they also firmly believed that the use of force should be minimized.
Though seemingly contradictory, this was the prevailing policy of Wellington’s cabinet. They hoped that, in time, the public would forget about parliamentary reform and refrain from resorting to violence.
Based on Arthur’s observations over the past few days, Duke of Wellington and Sir Peel’s calculations seemed to be failing.
This time, the parliamentary reform movement wasn’t merely fuelled by the working class; it had drawn in the Whigs, a large number of clergymen, and even members of the Canning and Extremist factions within the Tories.
As far as Arthur could tell, nearly every stratum of London society was advocating for parliamentary reform, albeit with different motivations. Their actions, however, were united.
“Reform, whether good or bad, will always have some benefits!”
“We demand expanded suffrage!”
“Wellington must go! He’s an Irish charlatan!”
Arthur blended into the crowd of protesters, chanting slogans and helping his companions hold up signs.
“Down with the Tories! Out with Wellington!”
Witnessing this, Agareus couldn’t help but scoff, “Arthur, aren’t you supposed to be monitoring them? How come you’re mingling with them?”
Arthur touched the brim of his hat, finding an opportunity to detach himself from the procession. It wasn’t because he was tired; he had followed the protesters to the Greenwich District police station.
Reaching an empty spot on a street corner, he lit his pipe and took a deep drag.
“Agareus, you don’t understand. The highest form of undercover work is to become one with them. I’ve learned that this group is sponsored by the Whigs, and their actions are limited to chanting slogans. They don’t seem to have any intention of getting violent. That’s good news, it saves me a lot of trouble.”
The Red Devil narrowed his eyes, “Arthur, what’s going through your head? You’re on Robert Peel’s payroll, and yet you’re close to the Duke of Sussex, a Whig.
Frankly, if you’re serious about playing politics, you shouldn’t be playing both sides. It’ll do you no good. Remember, for powerful politicians, loyalty that isn’t absolute is the same as disloyalty.”
“Agareus, that’s where you’re wrong. I’ve never played both sides.”
Arthur exhaled a plume of smoke, “You know, I’m a Scotland Yard officer. According to Home Office regulations, I cannot hold any political stance.
Just like I told you before about my religious views, I don’t choose God, and I don’t choose the Devil. Both are walls that blind my eyes.
In politics, I don’t choose the Whigs, and I don’t choose the Tories. They’re essentially the same; they only appear righteous when they’re out of power.
I simply agree with them on certain issues.
I admire the Whigs’ stance on abolition, even though most of them support it because they are factory owners who don’t profit from slavery and need free workers in their factories.
On the other hand, I also appreciate the Tories’ current policy of conservative restraint. They love peace, though that’s also because their supporters include a significant number of bankers, and war doesn’t bode well for the stocks and bonds they hold.
In short, they each have their merits, Agareus. Times are changing, and every party has its strengths. We need to see the bright spots in them.”
The Red Devil rubbed his hands and chuckled, “Come on, Arthur, you little scoundrel. Don’t tell me you don’t know that sometimes, having no stance is also a stance, and a thankless one at that.
Do you know why Duke of Wellington is in this predicament where he’s under attack from both sides? It’s because he tried to walk the middle ground, so he ended up neither appealing to the liberals nor being accepted by the conservatives.
He’s only managed to hold on for now because he’s Wellington. If it were someone else as Prime Minister, he’d probably be overthrown by now.
Don’t be fooled by your little conscience. Parliamentary reform is a golden opportunity. The choice is yours.
You can use this chance to swear your allegiance to Robert Peel or use your connection with the Duke of Sussex to curry favor with the Whigs.
Come on, Arthur, have you decided which side you’re on? A rising Scotland Yard inspector, not so impressive now, but if you use the information you have wisely, you can be of great use to them.
Reform or oppose reform? Whigs or Tories? Don’t walk the middle ground, and don’t go chasing that slave trade case. Neither will benefit you.”
Arthur just glanced at him, extinguished his pipe, and stepped into the police station.
“Agareus, you’ve always been pushing me to become their god, haven’t you? Now that I think about it, being a god is too difficult. I’d rather be their king.”
The Red Devil was startled, “Oh, my dear Arthur, have you finally come to your senses?”
Arthur nodded, “I’ll give you a saying. Do you know what the king’s fate is?”
“What is it?”
Arthur tucked his pipe into his pocket and walked into the police station.
“The king’s fate is to do good deeds and be reviled.”
(End of Chapter)